THE NGONI OF MALAWI (A HISTORY REVISTED)

Sunduzwayo Madise

27 March 2015
Edited 19 October 2015

Introduction

This article is about the historical origins of the Ngoni found predominantly in Mzimba (Jele[1]) and those headquartered in Ntcheu (Maseko). It is not about the battles that the Ngoni fought, nor is it about the succession battles that each group has had to overcome. It is not about the Ngoni language or culture, although elements as they impact on this article may be touched upon. Though the article mentions present day situations, these are for the sake of comparison and context. The article really does not aim to go into events that occurred after the 19^th century. And since most of the sources were originally through oral means, it is possible there maybe a few differences in sources of events and when they happened. This is conceded. In a sense, this article aims to acquaint the reader with an overview of where the two groups predominantly originated from. To those who may be of Ngoni origin, it may be a revelation, surprise, confirmation, a shock – all depending on the history that each individual has grown up to know. As a piece of researched and academic work, it would fail in its purpose if it did not do this. But this research is on-going. Although it is written in a personalised manner, the sources of information have been cross-checked and at times triangulated. But like all research, in order to attain rigour, this work is open to and will benefit from criticism and views. It is therefore a living piece of writing. The use of bold is regrettably deliberate as some of these words maybe new to most readers.

The thrust of the thesis of this article is that the Maseko Ngoni originated from Swaziland while the Jele Ngoni originated from Zululand. However both may be correct to claim that they originated from Natal, because Natal in the early years was the whole region of South-East Africa. Despite differences in their origins, the two groups are cousins. The lived next door in Natal to each other before events thrust them to meet again, but in another part of Africa.

The word Ngoni has been held to be a corruption of the word Nguni. Where used in this article, Nguni refers to the collections of clans and tribes occupying South Africa, Swaziland and Lesotho. The Nguni themselves were invaders, named after their legendary leader Nguni, who came down from northern Central Africa bringing with them cattle that was non indigenous to the Southern Africa region.[2] The cattle they brought is aptly called Nguni cattle.[3] The unique click sound of their language is attributed to contact with the San people of the South.[4] The Zulu, Swati and the Ndebele are of the Northern Nguni group while the Xhosa, Pondo and Thembu are from the Southern group.[5]

As used in this article, Ngoni refers to the Nguni that entered and settled in Malawi, Zambia, Mozambique and Tanzania after they fled the effects events that unfolded with the rise to power of Shaka in the Natal region.

At this point it is important to mention that the Ndembele, like the Jele both trace their roots to Zululand. However, their flight north was not a joint enterprise and although both run away from Shaka, the reasons were different.

From Swati to Ngoni – the flight of the Maseko Ngoni

The other day I made a facebook posting regarding Nhlangano in Ntcheu and stated that the majority of the Ngoni there are Swati. I argued that actually the name Tsangano as it is called now is a Chewalisation and corruption of Nhlangano. The Chewa speaking people who the Maseko Ngoni found in Ntcheu clearly could not be expected to pronounce the uniquely Nguni pronunciation of ‘Nhla’. Nhlangano means a meeting place, and is an actual place and town in present day Swaziland.[6]

The Maseko Ngoni delineate their roots back to the valley of the Usutu River in modern day Swaziland.[7] The Maseko Ngoni also refer to their ‘odyssey from Natal to Malawi.’[8] It is important that Natal not be confused with present day Natal. In the 18^th to 19^th century, Natal referred to most of South-East Africa.[9] Swaziland, being next to KwaZulu Natal would have been part of the Natal region of the time. However the Swati are not restricted to Swaziland and it is stated that there are more Swati in South Africa than in Swaziland.[10]

The Kingdom of Swaziland is actually knows in Swati as Umbuso weSwatini. [11] It is also called kaNgwane or Eswatini. [12] In Eswatini, Swazis are not called Swazis but emaSwati, and the language is siSwati, a Nguni language.[13] Sometimes the term bakaNgwane (Ngwane people) is used alternatively to emaSwati, and this is because history indicates that the Ngwane people entered present day Swaziland around 1600.[14]  Other records indicate that Ngwane was actually the leader of this group and the group later became known as Ngwane.[15] They settled along the Pongola River, in close proximity to the Ndwandwe people. This is important because it highlights the closeness of the emaSwati to the Ndwandwe.[16] The significance of being called Ngwane will be illustrated later when we discuss the first leader of the Maseko Ngoni. The significance of the emaSwati or bakaNgwane being cousins to the Ndwandwe will also become clear in due course.

Uniquely the Swati refer to their king as Ingwenyama or Ngwenyama (the Lion).[17] In Malawi, only the Maseko Ngoni refer to their Paramount King as such. It is also interesting that among the Swati, their chiefs are never called Makhosi and their King is never referred to as Inkosi ya Makhosi (Makosi). The Maseko Ngoni refer to their Ingwenyama as Inkosi ya Makhosi. It is submitted this is something the Maseko Ngoni may have picked from the Jele Ngoni as they both run away, the Maseko Ngoni from inkatha and the Jele Ngoni from the Mfecane (discussed below). This is so because inkosi is a Zulu word meaning chief or king. It is not a general Nguni name.

Research indicates that the Maseko Ngoni moved out because they regarded themselves as within reach of the lethal inkatha impetus of Shaka. [18] Inkatha is a Zulu word which means ‘crown of woven grass’, a tribal emblem symbolizing the force of unifying the Zulu nation.[19] This was achieved most by assimilating defeated clans and tribes. It symbolises ‘unity, strength and arguably nationhood.’[20] Shaka is widely credited with uniting the Northern Nguni, especially the Mthethwa and Ndwandwe into the Zulu Kingdom.[21] The process of unification however was through military conquest and submission, and bloody.

To understand why this trek by the Ngoni northwards started, it is important that we revisit the birth of the Zulu Kingdom itself. And in doing this we will have to discuss the birth of the Zulu Empire and the flight of Zwangendaba Jele.

From small tribe to Empire, the effects of Mfecane and the flight of the Jele Ngoni

The original Zulu tribe was a small one.[22] Their King was Sezangankhona. Shaka was an illegitimate son of Sezangankhona. He and his mother Nandi, were exiled and lived among the Mthethwa people.[23] As a young man, he fought under Dingiswayo, chief of the Mthetwa. After the death of Senzangakona, with the help of his godfather Dingiswayo, Shaka, took over the Zulu throne, through violent means.[24] Before these events the Zulu, Mthetwa, Ndwandwe and other groups were generally peaceful; dancing more than fighting! In the TV series ‘Shaka Zulu’ it was suggested that wars were not won by who fought best, but who danced best, with their women cheering them on![25] It does not mean wars were not fought, rather that they were not widespread. Shaka changed all that. He organised a band of strong fearless young men he called his Impi. Impi is a Zulu word for any armed body of men, but is used in association with a Zulu regiment.[26] Amongst other Nguni groupings, the term is also for their regiments, but its origin are Zulu. Impi were not only Shaka’s soldiers but his trusted bodyguards as well. He trained his impi in what could be described at the time as modern welfare. With his impi he caught the neighbouring clans unawares and quickly run over them. The sound of the impi, stamping the ground before the attack, with their spears drumming against the shield creating a frenzy was enough to scare any enemy into submission. Shaka organised a strong army by recruiting young men from around his tribe to become soldiers.[27] So even from an early stage, it is most likely that the Zulu army comprised not just Zulu, but also Ndwandwe, Mthetwa and even Swati.

But Shaka’s greatest achievement may well have been his plans for expansion from a small kingdom to a mighty empire through inkhatha.  He also started organising the kingdom socially, culturally and politically and introduced what we can in modern times call far reaching and revolutionary reforms. But clearly his most revolutionary reform was of a military nature. He organised his impi into a mean fighting machine; designing a bigger and stronger shield for them. Fundamentally he redesigned and reengineered the assegai, a light spear or wooden javelin with a pointed iron into the iklwa or ixwa, a name given after the sound that was heard as it was withdrawn from the victim’s wound.[28] Previously the spears were being used more as if it was a javelin contest. Therefore the warfare was not one of close combat, but comprised of warriors throwing their spears at each other, usually without much accuracy and damage. It is said the women would determine the winner according to accuracy of throws and how much were still remaining. Until then it was not very bloody. Shaka changed that. The iklwa was a mid-range weapon with a characteristically ‘long, dagger like blade that was about half the length of the overall spear.’[29] The iklwa could be used as a stabbing as well as a cutting and chopping (slashing) weapon. But it could also be thrown. This meant the iklwa could be used at mid-range, but was more deadly at close combat. Compared to the tradition spear, the charging impi armed with the iklwa was a beastly sight that would leave most foe shaking in their feet and running for dear life. Any spears thrown javelin-like at the impi were easily repealed by the redesigned long shield (sihlangu). The long body length sihlangu ensured protection of the impi unlike the short shields which were custom. The iklwa and redesigned sihlangu were probably the greatest military invention of the time, and was the turning point to catapult Shaka into a new status, the iN’gwazi (root of the name Ngwazi). The iN’gwzi was the ultimate destroyer. The title came because the destruction was one that resulted from killing (kugwaza).  In present day Ngoni talk, one hears of mkondo for spear. I know so, because we have one in our family, left by my father. The actual Zulu name is umkhonto (from which comes umkhonto we sizwe – spear of the nation).

Shaka did not only create military superiority, but also ensure that his Kingdrom was well organised. Despite his brief and bloody reign, Shaka was really a big thinker and the Zulu political and social organisation can still be seen where the Ngoni have settled even outside KwaZulu. Its effects on KwaZulu are still felt to this present day. His military tactics shaped the landscape of most of Southern Africa. A clear example is how we in Malawi have come to accept the title of nduna (derived from induna) to mean government minister or chief’s councillor. This demonstrates the high level of political development that already existed during the Zulu kingdom.

Events started to unfold with the growth in stature of the Ndwandwe. Zwide, the son of Langa, who he succeeded as chief, built up the Ndwandwe into a formidable force.[30] When he expanded to the borders with that of the ‘rival bloc of Sobhuza I, Ngwenyama of the emaSwati, Sobhuza avoided war by migrating north, where he founded the modern Swazi Kingdom.’[31] Zwide’s next target in assuming supremacy among the north Nguni was the Mthetwa confederation led by Dingiswayo.[32] He tricked Dingiswayo into a trap and had him killed.[33] Zwide was known as a magician and it is alleged he added Dingiswayo’s head to his grisly collection of trophies.[34] Shaka made an alliance of peace with the Ndwandwe, most likely I would think, because he was afraid of Zwide’s magic powers. Shaka assumed the leadership of the reader-less Mthetwa confederation, assimilating them into the Zulu Kingdom, which was now rapidly expanding.[35] Wary of the young Shaka, Zwide sent an army to attack Shaka, but was outsmarted by the young man’s tactics resulting in a defeat at the Battle of Mthetwa in 1818.[36] In the following year, Zwide sent his entire army and this time the defeat was decisive, at the Battle of the Mhlatuze River in 1819, resulting in a counter-invasion by Shaka and scattering the Ndwandwes.[37] Other records treat this as a Zulu civil war as the Ndwandwe were largely considered part of the Zulu Confederate.[38] This not only broke the alliance between the Zulus and the Ndwandwes, but it also brought the latter under the authority of the Zulu Empire and in the process unleashed a murderous campaign against other Nguni tribes and clans, setting in motion what later became infamously known as Mfecane. Mfecane is the Zulu name for the scattering, forced dispersal and forced migration across Southern Africa.[39] Some of the Ndwandwe chose to remain under Zulu sovereignty while other joined Soshangane and another joined Zwangendaba.[40] A later group joined Mzilikazi. Zwangendaba kaZiguda Jele Gumbi the son of Nonyanda kaZiguda Jele, was a commander in the Ndwandwe army.[41] The Jele  or Gumbi clan were therefore one. His young brother Somkhanda kaZiguda Jele remained with the Gumbi clan in Kwazulu (Pongola) and their current chief is Mbhekiseni Zeblon Gumbi.[42]

Zwide himself fled and over the next couple of years attempted to regroup the Ndwandwe.[43]

Shaka built his headquarters at a place he called Bulawayo (the place of the killing), not to be confused to modern Bulawayo in Zimbabwe. [44] Modern day Bulawayo was founded by Mzilikazi, a general in Shaka’s army who revolted and then had to flee north. The Zulu kingdom started disintegrating after the death of Shaka's mother, Nandi, the Indlovukazi[45] (mother elephant but also ‘Queen mother’). Shaka is said to have put on his full military regalia and screamed in anguish, as the entire Zulu tribe screamed in unison-anguish.[46] He is said to have executed several people on the spot and a general massacre broke out with some 7,000 odd dead, what was considered a befitting tribute to someone of Nandi’s stature.[47] Shaka really never recovered from Nandi’s death, who he almost worshipped, and was himself killed by his half-bother Dingane (Dingaan) the same year (1827).[48]

During his reign Shaka was not the lion; he chose a bigger representation of the animal kingdom and was the Indlovu (elephant but meaning great King). In fact after he defeated Zwide, one of Zwide’s children, Sikhunyana sought to succeed his father.[49] His brother, Somaphunga, realising this, went and put himself under the power of Shaka.[50] The story was then told of Indlovu ethe imuka babeyilandela abakwaLanga meaning ‘The elephant which as it went away those of Langa follow’.[51] AbakwaLanga (was a reference to the Ndwandwe because Zwide was the son of Langa).[52] Sikhunyana did briefly succeed Zwide but was swiftly defeated by Shaka.

So other than be under Shaka’s rule, Zwangendaba left. Others say he tactfully withdrew while others say he fled. Whichever way, he decided to move north.

The journey to settle in Mzimba

The common narrative is that is that Zwangendaba and his followers passed through Zimbabwe, on to Mozambique before crossing the Zambezi. Others have him passing through Swaziland. Others have him going to Swaziland before he fled. There is more credible evidence of the first route and a temporal settlement in Zimbabwe (Rozviland, near Bulawayo) and Manyikaland where the Zwangendaba group met and had skirmishes with the Soshangane group before they split.[53] It is also undisputed that the Ngwane Maseko started off from Swaziland, passed through Mozambique before crossing the Zambezi. Because of the closeness of the Swati and the Ndwandwe-Zulu clans, it is also possible that there were Ndwandwe-Zulus living in Swaziland and vice versa. In other words, it is submitted that the Maseko and the Jele groups may well have had people from each others’ clans as well as from other clans within the Natal area. In fact, records show that some Swati joined up with the Zwangendaba group, and two of Zwangendaba’s wives were Swati sisters who had followed them. What is unclear is whether these and other Swatis were with the group in Zulu land or they joined them in Swaziland.

It is not clear at which stage the Zulu-Ndwandwe group of Zwangendaba and the Swati group of Ngwane Maseko started calling themselves Nguni again, but what is clear is that by the time they crossed the Limpopo, they were no longer known by the clan names, but rather by the larger Nguni name. This may well be because they wanted to dissociate themselves from events back home and start a new life. But being warriors they caused havoc and conquered wherever they went.

The Nguni (both groups) who came over to Nyasaland were a rather small band of people, but because they had superior military skills, they as well as the political skills of assimilating those they conquered, thereby enlarging their numbers as they moved along.

Other scholars have described the reasons why the Ngoni settled in Malawi, as offering an ‘area of refuge’; one would say from the terror of Shaka.[54]

There are many stories of how the Maseko Ngonis and Jele Ngonis trekked north. Others place the migration as a joint exercise with a split occurring at the crossing of the Zambezi River.[55] Others place the split before the crossing of the Zambezi River. Others however, say these were two different migrations and although closely related in time, were not taken as a joint enterprise. Others attribute the Zwangendaba flight strictly due to Shaka but the Maseko flight as a result of Mziilizaki’s Mfecane (discussed below).

The joint enterprise story would make sense from two angles. Firstly, looking at the location of Swaziland which is north of Zululand, it makes logical sense that the trek was a joint enterprise of sorts, and that either the fleeing Ndwadwe joined up with the Swati who were ready to flee or the Swati upon seeing the fleeing Ndwandwe decided to join them. The second reason is that since the Ndwandwe and the Swati were neighbours in ‘Natal’, when they found themselves on the run from a common enemy, it was logical that they join forces.  Those who subscribe to this refer to a love-hate relationship that saw the two groups having cat-and-mouse but deadly battles for supremacy leading to a split with each group avoiding the other.[56] Mucina says Zwangendaba first defeated Ngwane before Ngwane went into an alliance with another group fleeing from the Mfecane led by Nxaba and they revenged their defeat after which the two sides decided to avoid any more conflicts and avoid each other.[57] This school of thoughts adds that the Maseko travelled eastward of Lake Malawi so that the lake ‘became a natural separator’ to avoid a bloody confrontation with Jele.[58] The latter had trekked westwards of the lake.[59]

However, others argue that these were two separate migrations and the groups never travelled together. This would be supported with records that place the Jele crossing of Zambezi in the Summer Eclipse of November 1835 and the Maseko crossing in 1839. [60] But a difference of 4 years may not be enough to conclude that these were different migrations. Other records have them entering Malawi in 1842.[61] There is even a tale told among the Jele Ngonis of how Zwangendaba struck the waters of Zambezi which separated into two and the Ngoni crossed on dry land. I would think this is most likely a recreation of the Biblical Moses story and only came about after the missionaries had entered Mzimba.

However, the subject of whether the two groups crossed together, were together or migrated separately is not the focus of this paper. However similarities in names amongst both groups may point to this, but as I have already said, this may well be due to the fact that each group was never homogenous, and therefore may not be conclusive as all.

I have heard of stories connecting the Zwangendaba trek with the Ndembele. This is not correct and it is important that this be corrected. I will therefore digress a little and address this issue.  Zimbabwean poet and historian Albert Nyathi provides a brief history of the Ndebele like this:

Shaka Zulu ordered Mzilikazi [who was one of the] generals in Shaka Zulu’s army, to go and raid … Mzilikazi did likewise and like the good general that he was, he … accomplished the mission. He came back and refused to surrender the loot. They started fighting and Mzilikazi went down … and Shaka came in hot pursuit and he went further and then after Shaka died, as if that was not enough, Dingaan followed up… Mzilikazi ended up settling in the Southern part of Zimbabwe called Matebeleland (Bulawayo today).[62]

So while the Zwangendaba were of the Gumbi or Jele clan, Mzilikazi was of the Khumalo[63] tribe, although both trace their roots to the Zulu kingdom. Other researchers do not support the loot theory but rather that there was a quarrel leading to a rebellion and rather than face execution, Mzilikazi decided to flee with his tribe.[64] Now strictly speaking, Mfecane refers to the period when Mzilikazi wreaked havoc in the Transvaal area, through ‘widespread killing and devastation’ as a way of removing ‘all opposition’ and creating a natural border of scorched earth around his Ndebele kingdom.[65]

Back to the Zwangendaba,  he led his group past west of Lake Malawi and trekked north and landed at Mabiri in Mzimba.[66] After a short stay they moved on and settled in Ufipa in Tanzania, at a place they called Maphupo.[67] After the death of Zwangendaba at Maphupo (which means dreams[68]), his followers trekked back and settled at Ng’onga in the Henga valley.[69] Upon the death of Zwangendaba, there were succession disputes involving his brothers Mgayi and Ntabeni. His brother Mgayi seized power but Ntabeni insisted that the throne should go to Mpezeni, the eldest son of the fallen King. The groups split with Mpezeni settling in modern day Zambia while Mhlahlo (who later became to be known as M’mbelwa) led the other group. M’mbelwa was installed as Inkosi ya Makhosi in 1857, two years after settling in Ng’onga.[70] The name Mhlahlo means witch finder and was given because of a situation when a piece of hair was found in Zwangendaba’s bear and witch craft was suspected.[71]  Mhlahlo was later called M’mbelwa which means buried one.[72] This was to commemorate the many Ngosis that had died and been buried, including Zwangendaba their leader. Zwangendaba had three children, Mpezeni, Mhlahlo, Mtwalo.[73] All three were of different mothers, with Soseya (daughter of Zwide)[74] mother of Ntuto, better known as Mpezeni and two Swati sisters who had followed them, Munene and Qutu mothers of Mhlahlo and Mtwalo.[75] Other accounts have Zwangendaba going to Swaziland to marry before fleeing. if this were true, then Munene and Qutu may have been there from day 1 of the flight.  Mtwalo was the more senior but he resigned in favour of Mbelwa thereby avoid a civil war that was looming among the Jele Ngonis.[76] Records are not clearly who exactly Zwangendaba wanted to take over. According to tradition, Mpezeni was the eldest. But others said Zwangendaba had favoured, M’mbelwa, the youngest.[77] But now it is all academic as the succession issues have long been settled.

Among the Jele Ngoni, Mpezeni is still given his due respect and according to Ngoni customary law, is the only one who can install M’mbelwa. Although M’mbelwa is paramount, he still regards Mtwalo as his elder brother. The Jele Ngoni therefore made Mzimba their final settling place, although incessant skirmishes with the Tumbuka, the Kamanga, the Henga, the Phoka and Tonga would continue for some time.

M’mbelwa headaurters is Edingeni (royal place). Some have suggested that this maybe in honour of Dingani,[78] who was Shaka’s half-brother and a prince, rising to become King after he assassinated his brother. But considering that the Jele Ngoni fled before these events unfolded, it is unlikely this is so.

The journey to settle in Ntcheu

The Maseko Ngoni under Ngwane Maseko (other records refer to him as Induna[79] and others as chief/King) landed at Ntcheu. But it is recorded that Ngwane Maseko died before crossing the Zambezi River. [80] Records indicate the crossing was in 1839.[81] He was succeeded by his brother Magadlela as regent until his heir, Mputa became of age.[82]

 But the choice of the name Ngwane shows he may have been, or t least considered himself, of royal descent as this was the official name for the emaSwati. By this time their cattle supplies had been dilapidated by Tsetse flies when passing through the Zambezi so they needed to replenish.[83] The trekked northwards, essentially looking for cattle passed east of Lake Malawi and settled at Songea in Tanzania, just hundreds of kilometres West of Ufipa. Amongst his subjects, Mputa was known as the Whipper.[84] Another group of Ngoni which had split earlier from the Jele Ngonis after the death of Zwangendaba, the Gwangara Ngoni under Zulu Gama[85] moved into Songea where a battle resulted with the Maseko Ngoni. History of what happened here is no all too clear. Others record that the Maseko Ngonis were defeated and pushed out of Songea.[86] Others say that Zulu Gama realising he was no match for Mputa tricked the latter and assassinated him.[87] And as the Maseko Ngonis were offering their customary sacrifice to the sleeping Ngwenyama Mputa, Zulu Gama and his warriors attacked them by surprise inflicting heavy casualties and forcing them to flee from the ruthless Zulu in 1864.[88] The confusion and chaos and the continuous running battles that followed Mputa’s death rise to the phrase ‘Chipasupasu cha aNgoni pa Matengo’, meaning ‘the pandemomium of the Maseko Ngoni at Matengoland’.[89] Matengo is a highland area located in the Eastern part of Mbinga District in Tanzania.[90]

Since Mputa’s heir was not of age, his brother Chidyaonga (eater of gunpowder) led the Masekos into Mozambique.[91]

For some time they trekked endlessly in Mozambique.  A song that the Maseko Ngonis used to sing whilst wandering around says:

Come let us go to Swaziland

Where the people die fat

My father is calling me (Ubaba uyangibiza)

Go home (Hamba ekaya)

Things have turned against you (Indaba zikuyandela)

Go home (Hamba ekaya)[92]

In fact this seems to have been incorporated in the izibongo (praise) for Inkosi ya Makhosi Gomani IV where these words appear near the end:

We are going where people never die,

There people are killed with age,

There people eat meat and drink milk,

There people do not grow thin,

There beautiful and polite women are abundant.

Let us go to Lizulu.

Hail! Your Majesty!

Hail! Our lion! Hail!

Our hero and Chief of chiefs![93]

Some settled in Mozambique but the came back to Malawi and settled at Domwe, where Chidyaonga died, around 1870.[94] Mputa’s son, Chikuse was enthroned King, although others had wanted Chidyaonga’s son, Chifisi to take the throne.[95] This dispute resulted in a civil war between Gomani, son of Chikuse and Kachindamoto, son of Chifisi and the war only ended with the intervention of an emissary of Sir Harry Johnson, Major Edwards in 1894.[96] However the reason for brokering the peace had nothing to do with the goodwill of the Maseko Ngonis but rather the colonial masters were worried with inadequate supply of labour brought about by the Ngoni civil war.[97]

It is however recorded that part of the Maseko Ngoni did not trek all the way down from Songea and some and settled at Kilombero, where they became known as the Mbunga.[98] Others settled at Namabengo, Maposeni, Mgazini and Mbamba.[99]  To say trek would maybe not explain the whole story. As they went down, the Maseko Ngoni conquered all they came across, and assimilated them, especially young men into their military and women and girls as brides. They may not have been part of the Zulu Civil war but they were as mighty a military machine.

Final remarks

So today if you visit Ntcheu and surrounding areas, you find names that are of Swati origin, and which you can find in present day Swaziland, such as Hlangano. Arguably however these are few in number as instead of the Ngonis assimilating and dictating, it would seem in Lizulu they had found a place of refuge and decided to settle and instead be assimilated. Now Lizulu itself is said to be a short form for Lizwe la Zulu. If this is true then it is very interesting because lizwe la Zulu means ‘land of the Zulu’ in Zulu.[100]  So did the Swati decide after the long round trip and all their troubles and tribulations to identify themselves with the same Zulu empire they had run away from? Or was it the case that maybe they did trek up to the Zambezi with the Jele after all? Or was it the influence of the Zulu Gama faction whom the Maseko Ngoni had interacted for a while before the treachery of Zulu Gama?

However it would seem one of the most distinguishing feature was the differences in the customary family law of the Chewa and of the Tumbuka, the bigger tribes which the Maseko Ngoni and Jele Ngoni found respectively.  The Ngoni are patrilineal and offer lobola as part of the marriage contract. This is the practice both in KwaZulu and Eswatini. In terms of family law, the Chewa are matrilineal while the Tumbuka, the Kamanga-Henga and the Phoka are patrilineal. This had profound effects on the continuation of the Ngoni customary law amongst the two groupings. If truth be said, anyone who has not paid lobola cannot truly be said to be a Ngoni. Three things you cannot separate a Ngoni man from: his beer, his women and his cattle (meat). In all this lobola is the unifying factor. So I guess next time you see at a supposedly Ngoni wedding (there is no chinkhoswe in Ngoni customary law), chicken being exchanged, you can laugh out loud! And you may wish to ask, when is mthimba? (the official ceremony when the bride is escorted and delivered to the groom’s ‘village’).

But I would argue that instead of being dominant, especially regarding the customary law, most of the Maseko Ngoni seemed to have adopted the matrilineal customary law of the Chewa, such as chikamwini although I am aware of other Ngoni who still practice the Ngoni customary law. I have also noted that most names in Maseko Ngoni land are not of Ngoni origin. On the other hand if you visit Mzimba, you find names that you can also find in KwaZulu and most of them start with the letter E. The Jele Ngoni have managed to retain their Zulu names for places in most of the places. The language however has been assimilated and there is more Tumbuka spoken across Mzimba than Ngoni. The Ngoni of Mchinji and Chipata are part of the Jele Ngoni. The Ngoni of Ntecheu, Dedza, Thyolo, Chileka, Mwanza and Neno are part of the Maseko Ngoni.

This is interesting and baffling because I hear more Ngoni being spoken by people from Ntcheu than in Mzimba. The only explanation maybe a kind of battle of a ‘dual citizenship’ of the Ngoni in Ntcheu. Or should I say split identities? For example having people dancing Nyau in one setup and then kugiya ingoma in another shows utter confusion of cultures, unless it is all for fun. I have also heard the saying kutsuka mkamwa (literally ‘cleaning’ the mouth) among the Maseko Ngoni and this used as an excuse (or licence) to use of profanity as if it is part of Ngoni culture or day to day living. I would argue that actually it is not. While Ngoni language is usually straightforward and candid, using profanity as a disguise that it is uNgoni is a lame excuse to being profane in public. Next time you hear someone use this excuse, tell them in their face that mukungotukwana apa.

I have also noted that the Maseko Ngoni have a group of people referred to Impi. However, my understanding is that these Impi are not a regiment per se or used in the actual sense of Impi as in Zulu but rather Induna or councillors. Now I am aware that Induna is a Zulu word and not a Swati one, but it is the closest I can associate with this group of Impi.  They are clearly not a regiment because among the Maseko Impi are women, something unheard of in the Zulu nation. Women never went to war. I have also noted that among the Maseko Ngoni, a woman can be regiment. This is not part of Zulu law. It may well be part of Swati law. These are some of the subtle differences that delineate the origins of the Maseko and Jele Ngoni.

Amongst the two groups, the Maseko Ngoni are very colourful, elaborate and flamboyant. They definitely know how to throw a good party! This is typical also of the emaSwati. The Jele Ngoni usually come out as a subdued lot in their festivals, and compared to the Maseko, seem to be stuck in traditions and ceremonies that refuse to evolve. I would invite the reader to visit the Umhlangano wa Maseko (meeting of the Maseko) and uMtheto (literally a rule or procedure for solving a problem but now a ceremony to commemorate the defeat by the Jele of the Tumbuka rebellion led by Baza Dokowe at Hora mountain [resolution of the Tumbuka problem?])  to compare and contrast as a way of underscoring my point.

Where the two groups also chose to settle may have affected how they became integrated into the political system of the country. While the Maseko Ngoni joined an area that was already being administered by colonial elements, for the Jele Ngoni the settings different and it was only in 1904 that the Ngoni agreed to start paying tax and officially brought the M’mbelwa domains under British rule.

On 24 October 1904 Commissioner Sharpe, in the presence of a number of Livingstonia missionaries (excluding the veterans Laws and Elmslie), two European ladies, and thousands of Ngoni, brought northern Ngoniland under British rule with the following assurances: the authority of the hereditary chiefs would be upheld; they would be able to decide minor disputes among their people; they would receive annual subsidies. The chiefs for their part undertook to act justly and rightly; not to accept bribes; to get their people to pay tax; to obey the Resident and to follow his advice.[101]

But it would be wrong to conclude that the Maseko Ngoni did not put up a fight against colonialism. The fearless exploits of Gomani I and Gomani II are well told.

So are the Jele Ngoni all of Zulu-Ndwandwe descent? Are all the Maseko Ngoni of Swati descent?? I would say no. Their leaders may have been but it does not follow that their followers were. For example, my own father, used to say, we are Ngoni but our ancestors were emaSwati. Was his line that of a pure Swati lineage? I doubt it. Cross-breeding did not start today. Does all this matter in today’s Malawi? Yes, in terms of placing ourselves in relation to our roots for a tree without roots will soon die. In any event, the fact that Mhahlo's mother was a Swati should forever tie the Maseko Ngoni to the Jele Ngoni. In fact even in present day Kwzulu Natal, King Godwill Zwelithini (paramount King of the present day Zulu nation) has several wives from the Swazi household. I also note that Msholozi, as Jacob Zuma is sometimes known (his clan name) has followed suit. Hopefully in future we may see intermarriages between royal Maseko and Jele households as a way of cementing this kinship. My family law lecturer once said:  in African customary law, marriage is not just between two people, it is between two peoples. It brings people together.

But maybe the final remark is this: is it not interesting that the current Inkosi ya Makhosi Gomani V was named Mswati at birth, and the current Inkosi ya Makhosi M’mbelwa V was named Zwangendaba at birth? I would think Mwasti’s father, Inkosi ya Makosi Gomani IV, knew very well the significance of giving the future Ngwenyama the name Mswati. I do not have to state the obvious that Mswati is the current Ngwenyama of the emaSwati in Swaziland.

For those interested into a deeper discussion, I would recommend DD Phiri’s A History of the Ngoni Exodus from Zululand to Swziland to Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia[102] and Malawians to remember: Inkosi Gomani II.[103]

---

[1]     The word has been corrupted to Jere. However the correct writing and pronunciation is Jele.

[2]     Louis-John Havemann, ‘History of KwaZulu-Natal’ <http://www.kznnorthhappenings.co.za/historykzn.htm> accessed on 27 March 2015.

[3]     Chris vd Merwe, ‘Nguni Facts’ (ZZZ Nguni Stud, 2008) <http://www.nguni.info/nguni_facts.htm> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[4]     Havemann (n 2).

[5]     Ibid.

[6]‘Nhlangano’ (Wikipedia, 2014) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nhlangano> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[7]     Devi Dee Mucina ‘Revitalizing Memory in Honour of Maseko Ngoni’s Indigenous Bantu Governance’ (University of Victoria 2006)  <http://web.uvic.ca/igov/uploads/pdf/Mucina598-2006.pdf> accessed on 26 March 2015; 16, 52.

[8]     Ibid 16.

[9]     ‘Maps of Natal and Zululand: 1824 - 1910’ (1972) Natalia 2; p34.

[10]    ‘Swazi people’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swazi_people> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[11]    ‘Swaziland’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swaziland > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[12]    Ibid

[13]    ‘Swazi language’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swazi_language > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[14]    ‘Swazi people’ (n 10).

[15]    Havemann (n 2).

[16]    ‘Swazi people’ (n 10).

[17]    Ibid.

[18]    Mucina (n 7) 16.

[19]    ‘Inkatha’ (Oxford) <http://www.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/english/Inkatha> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[20]    Mucina (n 7) 8

[21]    ‘Shaka’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shaka> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[22]    ‘Impi’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Impi > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[23]    ‘Zulu Kingdom’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zulu_Kingdom> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[24]    ‘Shaka’ (n 21)

[25]    1986.

[26]    ‘Impi’ (n 22).

[27]    ‘Zulu’ (Advameg, Inc, 2015) <http://www.everyculture.com/wc/Rwanda-to-Syria/Zulu.html > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[28]    ‘Assegai’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Assegai > accessed on 27 March 2015.

[29]    ‘Iklwa’ <http://deadliestwarrior.wikia.com/wiki/Iklwa> accessed on 19 October 2015.

[30]    Mary R.  Lipschutz  and R Kent  Rasmussen (1989) Dictionary of African Historical Biography (University California Press) 257.

[31]    Ibid.

[32]    Ibid.

[33]    Ibid.

[34]    Ibid.

[35]    ‘Zulu Kingdom’ (n 23).

[36]    ‘Battle of Gqoki Hill’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Battle_of_Gqokli_Hill > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[37]    Lipschutz & Rasmussen (n 30) 257.

[38]    ‘Ndwandwe-Zulu War’ (Wikipedia, 2013) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ndwandwe%E2%80%93Zulu_War> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[39]    ‘Mfecane’ (Wikipedia, 2014) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mfecane> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[40]    Lipschutz & Rasmussen (n 30) 257.

[41]    Albert Moyana Gumbi, ‘History of the Gumbi Jele Clan’ (Wikipedia, 2015) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/User:Kwandagumbi72/sandbox > accessed on 27 March 2015.

[42]    ‘Zwangendaba’ < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Zwangendaba> accessed on 19 October 2015.

[43]    Ibid.

[44]    ‘Bulawayo (Zulu Empire)’ (2014) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bulawayo_%28Zulu_empire%29> accessed on 27 March 2015.

[45]    In Swati it would be Ndlovutakati or Indlovukati.

[46]    ‘Nandi (mother of Shaka)’ (Wikipedia, 2014) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nandi_%28mother_of_Shaka%29> accessed on 27 March 2015.

[47]    Ibid.

[48]    Ibid.

[49]    Gabriel Kingsley Osei, (1971) Shaka the Great, vol 2001 Reprint (Black Classic Printers) 54.

[50]    Ibid 55.

[51]    Ibid.

[52]    Lipschutz & Rasmussen (n 30) 257.

[53]    ‘Soshangane’ < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Soshangane> accessed on 19 October 2015.

[54]    Mucina (n 7) 84

[55]  ‘Movement and Settlement of the Ngoni in East Africa’ (Makerere University (School of Education)) <http://www.elateafrica.org/elate/history/ngoni/ngonieastafrica.html > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[56]    Mucina (n 7) 16.

[57]    Ibid 78.

[58]    Ibid 79.

[59]    Ibid.

[60]    Ibid 78.

[61]    ‘The Ngoni historical background’ (Wawa Malawi) <http://www.wawamalawi.com/cultures/ngoni.php > accessed on 27 March 2015.

[62]    Albert Nyathi – mzilikazi < https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hno7AJmAyaQ>

[63]    ‘Mzilikazi’ < https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mzilikazi> accessed 19 October 2015

[64]    Ibid.

[65]    ‘Mfecane’ (n 39)

[66]    ‘Ngoni’ (Malawi Tourism, 2015) <http://www.visitmalawi.mw/index.php/discover-malawi-s-beauty/malawi-about/item/77-ngoni > accessed on 27 March 2015.

[67]    Gumbi (n 41).

[68]    Mucina (n 7) 79.

[69]    ‘Ngoni’ (n 67).

[70]    Ibid.

[71]    Malonje Mdekanjiba Phiri, ‘M’mbelwa not Mombera’ (unpubslihed) (23 March 2015).

[72]    Ibid.

[73]    C. J. W. Fleming, ‘The Zwangendaba Succession’ (WorldPress, 2010) <https://allthingsngoni.wordpress.com/2010/03/04/the-Zwangendaba-succession/ > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[74]    Owen J M  Kalinga (2012) Historical Dictionary of Malawi (Scarecrow Press) 432.

[75]    Fleming (n 73) & Phiri (n 71).

[76]    Bridgal Pachai, ‘Ngoni Politics and Diplomacy 1848 – 1904 (part 2)’ (1970) <https://allthingsngoni.wordpress.com/category/mmbelwa/ > accessed on 26 March 2015.

[77]    Ibid.

[78]    <https://www.facebook.com/timanyane/posts/333178230200006>

[79]    Is a Zulu title meaning advisor, great leader, ambassador, headman, or commander of group of warriors. It can also mean spokesperson or mediator as the izinDuna often acted as a bridge between the people and the king. The title was reserved for senior officials appointed by the king or chief, and was awarded to individuals held in high esteem for their qualities of leadership, bravery or service to the community. The izinDuna would regularly gather for an indaba to discuss important issues - ‘InDuna’ (Wikipedia, 2013) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/InDuna > accessed on 27 March 2015.

[80]    Mucina (n 7) 78-9.

[81]    Ibid.

[82]    Ibid 80.

[83]    Charles M. Govati, ‘The fatal encounter of King Mputa Maseko and the Zulu Gama-Wahuhu or Njeru Ngoni's in Matengoland’ (WorldPress, 2013) <https://reMasekongoni.wordpress.com/2013/04/26/the-fatal-encounter-of-mputa-Maseko/> accessed on 26 March 2015.

[84]    Ibid.

[85]    Other accounts have Zulu Gama as a commoner who took advantage of the leadership crisis that followed the death of Zwangandaba to launch his own crusade -Fleming (n 73).

[86]    ‘Movement and Settlement of the Ngoni in East Africa’ (n 53).

[87]    Mucina (n 6) 80, Govati (n 83).

[88]    Govati (n 83).

[89]    Ibid.

[90]    ‘Matengo Highlands’ (Wikipedia, 2014) <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Matengo_Highlands > accessed on 27 MArch 2015.

[91]    Mucina (n 7) 80-1.

[92]    Ibid.

[93]    Devi Dee Mucina ‘Ubunthu: A Regenerative Philosophy for Rupturing racist Colonial Stories of Dispossession’ (University of Toronto 2011)  <https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/29931/1/Mucina_Devi_D_201106_PhD_thesis.pdf> accessed on 26 March 2015; 30.

[94]    Mucina (n 7) 81.

[95]    Ibid.

[96]    Ibid.

[97]    Ibid 82

[98]    ‘Movement and Settlement of the Ngoni in East Africa’ (n 55).

[99]    Govati (n 83).

[100] Devi Dee Mucina (n 93) 27.

[101] C.O. 525/66. Governor Smith to Colonial Office, secret despatch of 17 January 1916 reproduced by B Pachai (n 76).

[102] Desmond Dudwa Phiri, (1982) A History of the Ngoni Exodus from Zululand to Swziland to Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia (Popular Publications).

[103] Desmond Dudwa Phiri, (1973) Malawians to remember: Inkosi Gomani II (Longman International Education).

CURRENCY SWAP OR SOVEREIGN DEBT?

Sunduzwayo Madise

22 February 2015

The other day (Nation, 12 February 2015) the Minister of Finance was quoted to have said that one of the reasons for the Kwacha’s appreciation in value was a currency swap deal that Treasury had done with the PTA Bank. Now any attempt to stabilise our currency must always be commended but maybe the question to be asked is at what cost to us, and to the future generations. The Minister was quoted that the deal was worth $250 million (about K18 Billion) but that this does not mean Malaŵi had borrowed (heavily) from the PTA Bank but rather the deal was simply a currency swap and that ‘nobody will lose out’. According to the article, the PTA Bank paid to the Reserve Bank of Malaŵi (RBM) in US Dollars, and the central bank was acting as the agent of Treasury. The Minister is quoted further to have said:

instead of us owing the RBM, we owe PTA Bank. They paid that borrowing from RBM in Dollars. This is called currency swap because nobody is losing out. RBM bought Dollars so you could also say PTA bought Malaŵi assets from RBM, so it is a swap and there is no borrowing.  

This immediately raised some eyebrows amongst financial experts who most agreed that this was not a currency swap but rather an issue of sovereign debt. In order to delve further and analyse what has happened; it is imperative that we look at these two financial terms and what they mean.

Currency Swap

A currency swap involves the exchange of principal and interest in one currency for the same in another currency. It is therefore essentially a foreign exchange agreement of a loan in one currency for equivalent aspects of an equal loan in another currency; although it need not be restricted to a loan. In corporate finance, it is treated for all purposes as a foreign exchange transaction. Let us give an example of a typical currency swap. Suppose for example a Malaŵian company requires South African Rands and a South-African company needs Kwachas. These two companies will then agree a currency swap deal to allow them to access the currency they require. They will agree upon the interest rate as well as a common maturity date.  Currency swaps can also be done by states and between states and other corporations, usually but not always, of international nature.

Currency swaps are all about obtaining financing at mutually beneficial terms.

1.  They allows parties to secure cheaper financing (usually debt).
2. They are also an insurance of sorts, a type of risk-mitigator. It is a way to hedge against exchange rate fluctuations, especially for countries whose currencies are susceptible to volatile swings in the exchange rate (mostly of a depreciative nature). 
3. It provides a buffer against financial instability and turmoil which could arise by a crisis in the liquidity since the borrower borrows with its own currency. Consider a situation where the borrower borrows in foreign currency and then the local currency significantly loses value, the borrower would face a liquidity crisis as it would need to acquire more of its local currency to pay back an equivalent in the foreign currency.

 So let us apply this to our current situation in which the Minister is quoted to have said that we have entered into a currency swap with the PTA Bank. This would mean that the PTA Bank needed Kwachas and we needed Dollars under a loan deal arrangement (mutual borrowing). We then went into a deal to pay in Kwachas for Dollars in a reciprocal loan arrangement with an agreed interest rate for a set period. Is this what happened here?

Sovereign Debt

Sovereign debt refers to bonds (IOUs) issued by governments in a foreign currency. It is important to distinguish this with the bonds issued by the government domestically in its local currency, such as Treasury Bills or the recent issued Zero-Coupon Bond. Sovereign debt is targeted to international investors, including governments. It is common for governments to buy each other’s debt. For example China is the biggest buyer  of US debt. But because the US Dollar is freely convertible, the US does not have to issue its sovereign debt in a foreign currency other than the US Dollar. In contrast, if a country like Malaŵi decided to issue sovereign debt in Kwachas, the chances are it would not be bought because internationally the Kwacha is not considered a freely convertible currency. It is also considered a premier currency. Several factors influence this such as economic strength of the country of issue, stability of the currency play and foreign exchange restrictions. Most currencies of third world countries cannot be traded on the international bond market.

Sovereign debt is guarantee by the state. Therefore if the country is financial stable, and has good development indices, its debt will be deemed a safe investment. Internationally these debts are rated and those considered risk-free are given the highest ranking of AAA (Standard & Poor and Fitch ratings). Debt from developing countries is usually perceived as riskier and to hedge against risks associated with it, may be sold only if the returns (dividends) are much higher. The term junk bonds is sometimes used to bonds considered of non-investment grade. On the flip side, junk bonds are high-yield bonds, and characterise most bonds from third world countries. There are investors who actually specialise in buying junk bonds because of their high return. If one thinks about it, it is really easy to understand why. Suppose you go to a bank to get a loan, if at the end of the bank’s assessment you are a risky borrower, the only other way you may get the credit (other than being denied) is to get in on very high interest. The high interest reflects the risky nature of the transaction. The bank is hedging its risk by charging higher interest. The case of the katapila lender quickly comes to mind! Katapila is a risky business. Chances of default are high. To mitigate against this, the interest rates are high (mwala ku mwala – 100% per month is not uncommon).

Analysis of the Minister’s words

Let us be clear on one aspect, both currency swaps and sovereign bonds involving loans. Therefore to say there is no borrowing involving a currency swap is simply not true. A currency swap in corporate finance is not just an exchange of currencies. The fundamental difference is that a currency swap is mutually beneficial and in this way, the Minister is correct that nobody loses. Everyone pays (back) in their own local currency and that is where everyone benefits (if you discount the cost of borrowing itself). But is what happened here a currency swap?

According to the quote attributed to the Minister, the deal can be broken down into:

1. And agreement by Treasury with the PTA Bank to make available finance in foreign exchange amounting to $250million (he says this is not borrowing) 
2. PTA Bank will pay the funds via the Reserve Bank (acting as agent of Treasury) 
3. This will mean that instead of Treasury owning the central bank, it will owe the PTA Bank
4.  RBM has ‘bought’ the Dollars and PTA has bought Malawi’s assets (and according to the Minister there is no borrowing).

 Now looking at the above steps, it becomes quickly self-evident that there is confusion of corporate finance principles being brought in here. The agreement to have PTA Bank make available to us through then central Bank $250 million is clearly a loan, one involving sovereign debt. We are selling our national debt to the PTA Bank. Put in another way, we have agreed on a loan with the PTA Bank through which we will borrow $250 million to be repaid to them at an agreed interest over an agreed time. But we will have to pay back $250 million in foreign exchange plus interest.

The second and rather contradictory aspect is that Malaŵi and the PTA Bank have agreed to sell each other something. PTA Bank has agreed to buy some unnamed Malaŵi assets for the price of $250 million.  RBM is said to have bought the Dollars and PTA to have bought our assets. The first question is with what has the RBM bought the Dollars? With Kwachas? Or with some other unnamed assed? And the follow up question is if this ‘asset’ is not sovereign debt, then what asset have we sold to the PTA Bank? If it is sovereign debt then there is no currency swap and the issue is settled. But even if it was not sovereign debt, would it still qualify as currency swap? To answer this we must ask ourselves the question: have we had exchanged loans with the PTA Bank and agreed that we would pay them in Kwachas whilst they pay us in Dollars? Is this what has happened here? From what we have been told, the answer would have to be in the negative.

Concluding remarks and further thoughts

This is not a currency swap. We have sold sovereign debt to the PTA Bank and there is need to disclose the full deal in terms of maturity and the interest (yield) that is payable and when this is payable. And whilst we are at it, we may start considering how many Kwachas we will need at the date of maturity to repay the $250 million because when it matures, there will be a legal obligation to pay. It is only after making this analysis that we can make draw conclusions whether this deal is good for us as a country. The agreement is not just a financial one, it is a legal one too. Legal rights and enforceable legal obligations arise from it.

And this also applies to all other international loans. I have heard successive finance ministers boasting about how the country was getting a good deal because the loan they had negotiated was of zero percent (0%) interest. I have always wondered whether they are ignorant of what they are saying or they do not understanding how the world of finance actually works. Let me explain this by using a simplified example. Suppose we borrow $1 million in 2015 at 0% interest; and the loan is to be repaid after 20 years. The good thing is that when the loan matures in 2035, we would only be required to pay back $1 million (the terms of repayment would depend on the terms of the loan agreement). But suppose in 2015 the Kwacha is at $1 = K450 and suppose in 2035 the Kwacha has depreciated substantially and is at $1 = K4,500 (God forbid). This means that in 2015 we received K450 million as a loan but come 2035; we would have to pay back K4.5 Billion. Now anyone who says that by obtaining a loan in foreign currency at 0% or at a low interest rate is a deal needs to recalculate the actual cost of borrowing by factoring in the depreciation of the Kwacha over time (economic and statistical models are available to do this and make projections) . I have noted that apart from Treasury, several Malaŵian corporations have also borrowed from international financiers, especially on the London loan market (in Pound Sterling). I do hope they have done a proper due diligence of the actual cost of the loan. It maybe sometimes be cheaper to borrow locally and pay back in good old Chilembwes!

Coming back to the issue of currency swaps, and considering that the Minister of Finance is an expert in finance, I can only conclude that he has been misquoted. 

LISTENING TO DANIEL KACHAMBA

Sunduzwayo Madise: 20 February 2015

I must confess that despite the proliferation of good music, 90% of the music that I listen to is Malaŵi music (all of it) plus gospel (Grace Chinga, Lloyd Phiri, Thocco Katimba, Marching Soldiers etc). The remaining 10% is usually roots reggae and Malawian reggae (Anthony Makondetsa, Limbani Banda, Evison Matafale, Black Missionaries, Soul Raiders etc.) And somehow, the older it is, the merrier. I guess it just shows that I am not getting any younger too! Now Lucius Banda is a constant presence with the occasional mix up with other artists. But if it is Malaŵian music, I will listen to it, especially if sang in the local languages (even if I may not understand it; like some of Joseph Nangalembe’s, Allan Namoko and Namakwa Brothers Band’s classics). So the other day as I was driving I was listening to Daniel Kachamba. Listening to this great son of Malaŵi brought memories, fond memories. Kachamba made me remember kale langa. And talking of Kale, my collection of Edgar ndi Davis is missing Energy Saver!

But before I travel down memory lane, let me say a thing or two about Daniel Kachamba. I had not listened to his music, I must admit, for almost 3 decades such that this was a rewarding experience. In fact it was revitalising in a way. I quickly decided that the folks that had decided to honour him with the honorary title of Doctor of Music had it spot on. Now let me digress and tell you the story that we heard around this title. Daniel Kachamba had at some time gone to perform in Europe. He was, like most Malaŵian acoustic artists of the time, a one-man band. We were told the hall (cannot recall exactly where it was) was packed and when he was presented to the audience, a few thought they had been given a raw deal. Why? Because they expected a band which would make them dance the night away. Only if they had known! The tall, slender man from Malaŵi sat on the cow-skin strung drum (probably made of some dissected drum), took a flute which had a special wire that used his ears as support and placed it around his neck, took a home-made rattle in his right hand, and then bent down and picked his acoustic guitar and strung the strap his neck and settled himself facing the audience. The next thing that happened was an explosion of music that left the patrons dumbfounded. This one man was producing music from his guitar, his mouth, the flute, the drum (using his leg) and the rattle (by shaking the very hand he was using to play the guitar). The sum of it was the sweet magical music that Malaŵians had all along listen to and enjoyed on MBC Radio. And to add to it all, Kachamba would play his guitar with the hand in circular motion; going clockwise then anti-clockwise and then alternating, but not losing the rhythm! And to add to it all; he had a unique way of actually turning his back to the audience, hoisting the guitar above his head on to his rear neck; and playing the guitar ‘blindly’. And yes, there was dancing and all. In the end, the little man from Nyasaland was dubbed Doctor of Music. That is the story we were told when growing up. This same richness in music is what made me go back memory lane and prompted the writing of this piece.

Now I should know exactly what the European folks were confronted with. I had grown up knowing Daniel Kachamba as a musician. When we were staying in Kabula, my father used to run a bottle store styled Malonda gha Mariba Madise. This is Zulu/Nguni/Ngoni for [selling] business of Mariba Madise. Mariba was the middle name of my elder brother. At that time when I first saw the sign, I did not know it. I knew him as Hlekwayo. However I do not think that my father meant that the business belonged to Hlekwayo! If he did, he never showed it. I do not even recall my brother, who probably knew the significance, boasting of owning the shop! Good man he was.

Now ordinarily a business should be one where the ultimate aim is to make a profit. I do not think this was the type of business my father had in mind. In fact I doubt if he ever made a profit at all! For all I know he pumped more into the business than what he got out. I was later to understand what it was all about. It was a way for him to socialise with his friends. A brief history of my father will help put this into context. My father was arrested in 1959 in Mzimba as a young man deemed ringleader and troublemaker during the 1959 3^rd March State of Emergency in Nyasaland. He and some who were rounded up were transported via Nkhata-Bay on ship (he called it a kind of Gwendolyn[1]) to Chipoka, then onwards by train to Blantyre. He said they were supposed to be airfreighted to Kame, in Ghana,[2] while their leader, Kamuzu, was sent to Gwelo (now Gweru) prison, in Southern Rhodesia (present day Zimbabwe).[3] He told us that what saved them was that they had just missed the plane to Kame, and they were sent to Kanjedza Dentition Camp to eat, and wait for the next plane. As it turned out, they ended spending almost a year there until their release. He told us that he found it uncomfortable in prison because he was detained with his apongozi, Qabaniso Chibambo.[4] Oh, yes, my father respected local custom! Under local custom, you must ‘avoid’ your apongozi. After his release he was permanently ordered to stay in Blantyre and explicitly told never go back to Mzimba! Of course, things changed after independence, but this initial forced incarceration seemed to have left an indelible mark on him. I think my father was in a way torn apart. I think he missed his village life and wanted to continue experiencing it even within a city setting.

To me therefore, the bottle store was his solution to this dilemma. He used it as a way of re-living his village life. At the bottle store, traditional foods were prepared such as roasted makunda, mangh’ina, roasted deer meat. The ‘insides of the goat’ were also favourite! We used to call them bath towels! Cooked [goat][5] blood (ubende)[6] mixed with a few pieces of fat and small pieces of intestines was reserved for the older men. Of course as the cook; I made sure I had a good taste! Every Christmas he would slaughter a goat for the home and occasionally one for the bottle store for him and his friends! Well as I grew up, most of the slaughtering and skinning was left to me (but there is another story for another day). He used to take me and my young brother Dingiswayo hunting near Lirangwe with his Greener shot-gun to hunt Nyisa (yet another story for another day). The long and short of it all was that the bottle store was like importing the village into the town. It was a popular joint among his peers, and they came from all walks of life, and all corners of the country too. 3rd March was a day in which all shops were supposed to be closed in Malaŵi. We closed our bottle store alright, to everyone else except my father and his close circle of friends. No one would keep him from his ucwala or phele. No one could separate my father from his beer. He only stopped drinking when his health failed him. But I figured having spent time in detention, he deserved it and that somehow this 3^rd March quarantine did not apply to him. Interestingly, he never commented anything about politics, and when people started talking about politics he would quietly, silently but tactifully move away. I also noticed that the local Youth Leaguers[7] kind of avoided confronting him. I think they did right for my father had presence, and could instil fear when he chose to or wanted. Obviously traits of his Ngoni upbringing, as far as I know he never feared anyone, and once physically demonstrated to me two things: never let anyone jump the queue and never allow anyone to insult your wife (but that is another story there!).

The first bottle store was in Goliyo in Ndirande. Then he decided to expand, and got a spot at the corner of B.F. Chinseu’s Building at Chinseu, also in Ndirande. During this time we moved from Kabula to Chilomoni (another story there) and then finally to Chinseu, just behind the Chibuku Tavern (lots of stories there). I noted that the business was now styled Malonda Madise! So how is this all connected to Daniel Kachamba?

As part of the entertainment, we used to have travelling musicians that would come to the bottle store. By the time the bottle store moved to Chinseu, it was the local magnate of local musicians. We had people like Saleta Phiri and Amlamu Band (which when it became an ‘electric’ band changed to AB Sounds). We had Stonard Lungu who was popular because of his rich Mangoni vibes and wit. We had Ndingo Brothers Band of the aRosemary musanyade fame; and I recall they had one chap who had such a deep raspy voice (if you have heard of the song by Fuji Kasipa featuring Njati Njedede[8] you will know what I am talking about). And yes we also had the great Daniel Kachamba coming to sing. Namakhwa Brothers Band was a constant feature on the menu too, always leaving the patrons in stiches! At that time, the price (kubetcha) for a song was 20 Tambala for these prime artists. Once in a while, Robert Fumulani from Chileka would pop in, and when he did, he brought a drummer and an electric guitar which he would plug into the single amplified speaker we had and one or two other artists. And usually the price for each song was higher when he did; he was regarded as a ‘proper band’, and occasionally travelled nationally. Once these local artists arrived, we would stop playing the turn-table (usually it was Eric Donaldson, The Hurricanes, The Great MBC Band, Maroon Commandos, Manu Dibango etc). They would play late into the night. And once in a while, three or four artists would all converge but this did not provide a headache for them or for the patrons. They would quickly collaborate and play each other’s songs for hours on end; making everyone happy (that was the first time I saw different artists not only singing on one stage, buts collaborating!) To me seeing Daniel Kachamba, Stonard Lungu, Namakhwa Brothers Banda, and Ndingo Brothers Band playing together was just out of this word.

So listening to Daniel Kachamba made me realise how fortunate I am to have been in the presence of these great musicians. It triggered a memory, but it also reminded me of how rich our local music is. I know his music is not easy to find, but if you can source it, listen to Dr Daniel Kachamba. His brand was/is called Kwela music and is an infusion of South African beats, jazz and local Malaŵi music. Together with his brother Donald,[9] they formed the Kachamba Brothers Band. But the memories I have are of the Doctor himself! As for my father, he also introduced me to reggae music. He loved Alpha Blondy. He also loved Kenny Rogers. And yes he loved Franco Luambo Makiadi!  But that is a story for another day.

---

[1] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/SS_Gwendolen

[2] http://www.maphill.com/ghana/kame/

[3] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hastings_Banda

[4] Long-time powerful Minister in the MCP Government and father of politician and former Ambassador Ziliro Chibambo

[5] It does not have to be goat; it includes blood of cattle or sheep too

[6] This is interesting because the Zulu translation of ubende is spleen

[7] The Youth Leaguers were foot-soldiers of the MCP, the only party in power then. Also known as Chiswe, they were better known for their ruthlessness, unreasonableness and occasional theft of property like eggs, chickens under the guise of donations for Kamuzu. They never came to our home as far as I can recall!

[8] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CX0lZ65rXMg

[9] http://www.allmusic.com/artist/donald-kachamba-mn0001449747

Shooting off the hip and the diplomatic service

By Sunduzwayo Madise

30 December 2014

In a game of chess, whatever gambit you chose, the idea is always to plan ahead. You must always be several moves ahead and consider the: what if scenario. What is important also is whether you have a backup or an 'escape route'? And in every game of chess the king must always be protected. The king is not the most powerful piece in the game, but is the most important. He must be shielded and protected at all times. When the king is captured or cornered it is curtains; game over. Now clearly this game was conceived when the thought of a female sovereign was inconceivable – how times have changed! We will return to this analogy of chess but let us extend the discussion to another aspect of the sovereign. Traditionally, ambassadors were personal representatives of the sovereign. They were appointed and accountable to the sovereign. However in recent times we have noted that sovereignty has moved from a person (such as the Queen) to the state. This is the state of affairs in Malawi where we have a constitutional democracy and the doctrine of separation of powers calls for checks and balances between the three arms of government. Under this doctrine we have a head of the executive, head of the legislature and head of the judiciary. All these are under the head of state. In the UK the Queen is head of state, the Prime Minister is head of the executive. In Malawi the President is both head of the executive as well as head of state. However in making his decisions, he will do so as either head of state or head of the executive. Where his decision needs approval by another arm of government, then clearly he is exercising functions of head of the executive. To ensure that there is checks and balances with the doctrine of separation of powers, modern democracies now require that certain positions like of ambassador be approved by Parliament. Parliamentary approval is a recent addition to the doctrine of checks and balances. The President as head of the executive appoints, then another body, Parliament approves this appointment. When Parliament has approved, the President as head of state now sends the envoy yonder. Ideally this system should ensure that the candidate that gets the final nod is the right candidate to represent our state. Two recent appointments in which both appointees have turned down (or as they said themselves: “opted out”) amidst rumours of rejection by the recipient countries have prompted the writing of this piece. If true, this demonstrates a failure in the system at many levels.

I can say without fear of contradiction that both Dr Heatherwick Ntaba and Mr Thoko Banda are highly intelligent people. Hearing Mr Banda reminds me of the extremely articulate and highly intelligent Aleke Banda, his father. In the days of old we did not call Dr Ntaba talking computer for nothing. The man has a grasp of issues and speaks with conviction. Yes the fact that he speaks the Queen’s language with such finesse adds up to the mystique. Sadly however intelligence is not always equal to wisdom.

Mr Banda was appointed Ambassador to Zimbabwe. It later transpired that he had said some not-so-flattering things about the comrade.  It is rumoured Harare made it clear that the Ambassador-designate was persona non-grata. Mr Banda then went on various media trying to explain himself; and in the process said that in fact he had not been consulted before the appointment. Ooops!  Now people have asked: is Mr Banda not entitled to air his opinions? What happened to freedom of speech? And therein in lies the problem. He may be so entitled but maybe the question to be asked is whether he was wise to be so blunt, especially if he was planning for political office or diplomatic service. I read the article that caused all the furore and it reminded me of the phrase shooting off the hip. Shooting off the hip in this regard describing a person who does not censor their actions or words. At this point I recall the song by Robert Fumulani; ukayenda kumasiya phazi osati mulomo chifukwa mulomo uzakupeza.[1]

Which brings us squarely to the good doctor. During the time of the late Bingu, Dr Ntaba was part of the President’s press and PR team. And one thing you can bet on Dr Ntaba is that he will never disappoint. So during those politically charged moments when the British High Commissioner was given orders to leave, resulting in a tense diplomatic stand-off, Dr Ntaba naturally had to be on the side of the big kahuna[2]. Do I believe that Dr Ntaba believed the strength of his own arguments? No, definitely not. Do I believe that he nonetheless spoke with passion and conviction? Definitely yes. What was clear was he was shooting off the hip. Once again we have a situation where Dr Ntaba may not have been wise considering posterity. In hindsight he was not wise at all. He ought to have censored his words or exercised an element of restraint. But it is easy for us to say this after the fact, but nonetheless it is a lesson which hopefully others have learnt from. Therefore rumours that London indicated that Dr Ntaba would not be received as our emissary by the Queen are not surprising. In fact what is surprising is that these appointments were made in the manner they were in the first place.

When the Secretary to the President and Cabinet (SPC) was asked about the recent appointments to parastatal boards (in which some folk turned down and cried I was not-consulted), the SPC boldly said they do not consult before making appointments. That got me worried. I read in that response that they either do not have time to consult (which is worrying) or they do not bother to consult (which is very worrying). And if this consultation does not extend to ambassadors then it is even more worrying. And should we be surprised when one day a person happily rotting in their grave is appointed?

I did say earlier that this has exposed failure of systems at many levels. How are candidates appointed to key positions vetted? Is there even a process of vetting candidates?

If we refer back to the chess analogy, shouldn’t we have someone or some pipo planning ahead and contemplating what the other side might do? The Catholics gave us a good name for this, devil’s advocate.[3] Shouldn’t we have someone play devil advocate? Dig out any dirt and lay it on the table? And like a game of chess, shouldn’t we have someone getting into the shoes of the 'opponents'? Now I am aware that Public Appointments Committee (PAC) of Parliament is not exactly an opponent in the traditional sense but in this game theory, the other side is treated as though they are. Shouldn’t someone pre-empt PAC and what they will say or ask? Shouldn’t someone conduct an individual risk analysis for all key positions before they are thrown to the lion’s den? Now playing devil’s advocate does not mean that the candidate will not come out successful, it just helps to prepare for any nasty surprises. And surprises have an uncanny habit of being brutally nasty. As it is said forewarned is forearmed.

Let us start with our intelligence service(s). I am aware that the intelligence service performs important state functions to ensure that our country is safe from its ‘enemies’. However it is no secret that intelligence services do more than this. Intelligence services do a lot of information gathering. So let us assume the President intends to appoint one Mr Thoko Banda as Ambassador to Zimbabwe, shouldn’t the first thing be a request to the Director General of the National Intelligence Bureau (NIB) for a full dossier on Mr Banda before the President makes it official? Now let us be honest, information gathering these days is a different business altogether comparing to the days of old. It is a sophisticated art which depends on use of technology. For one it needs a lot of resources. I cannot say it for a fact, because I do not know, but if there are no high speed and high capacity computers and fast access to data channels (including the internet) at NIB offices then Government needs to invest in this yesterday. Furthermore, to make sense out of data collected, needs analysis. Qualification for intelligence analysts should not be being a party royalist. We need people who have been trained at least at tertiary level. They should be able to read chatter on the internet; social media and draw a picture based on evidence. Intelligence analysts think in multi-dimensional visions. They look at pieces of information and draw patterns. They connect dots which most of us cannot. Like a game of chess they contemplate the next move and several moves ahead. All intelligence organs the world over are now using the internet as an information gold mine; usually within the law but at times outside the law. There is always a big brother watching; what he is watching though is what matters. Information not gossip; not opinions is what counts. Analysts should be able to dig out information of every intended appointee such that a dossier is presented to the President before the actual appointment is made. So if the NIB cannot do this for people appointed as Ambassadors then it is clear more resources and efforts need to be injected to enhance its information analysis functions. Put simply, a dossier should have been presented to the President indicating that there were likely to be problems in having Mr Banda appointed to Zimbabwe and Dr Ntaba to the UK. It is elementary actually when one thinks about it, so basic that it boggles the mind how this was even allowed.

Let me digress a little here. I am told that two appointees; Mr Banda and Mr Voice Mhone all said they mothers come from Thyolo. Now only a stranger in Jerusalem would fail to connect the importance of Thyolo; the home district of the President. My question is why is this information even important or necessary? Did PAC actually ask these two Malawians where they mothers come from? If so then I have big problems on the mandate of PAC. Should they be discriminating Malawians based on their origins really? Shouldn’t being Malawian enough? Reminds me of the Traffic Police when they stop you for a traffic offence and ask for your tribe! Really? What has my being Ngoni got to do that I maybe a bad driver? I hope the Police are aware that this is a colonial left-over legacy which profiled Nyasalanders! I decided a long time ago that my tribe is Malawian. This has irked several people but I have decided to stick to my convictions. Now this doesn’t mean I am not proud of my Ngoni heritage but I refuse to be containerised in this imperial manner 50 years after our independence. In the UK, where we got these regulations from, no one asks this anymore. In fact it would be a scandal if a Police Officer did that!

So back to the issue at hand, and to conclude, Government should have information on its people. This does not mean spying on them although it is an open secret that all governments spy on their subjects anyway. In fact you would be naïve if you think they do not or should not, especially in these days when there is so much digital footprint left in all our digital voyages. No organisation can succeed without an element of spying and information gathering. No leader can successfully lead his or her people without gathering information about those being led or governed. It is just part of the business. Collecting vital information that can enhance decision making is therefore part of management. Before the President appoints people to become board members of parastatals, he should have a dossier about each of them to see whether they are fit and proper for the appointments. Then there needs to be a mechanism to obtain their prior approval, especially if there are indications that they may reject the appointment. This information can only be provided by those in the information gathering business. Ideally the President or his emissary should actually have chat with any person targeted for a public appointment of state importance to ensure the issue of acceptance is taken out of the way. Sometimes in this chat, the appointee-to-be may actually indicate any bottle-necks or pitfalls that exist and a plan may be worked out in advance (hoping in the honesty of people to tell the truth). Crucially before he appoints any Ambassador, the President must satisfy himself that they will pass the PAC test as well as have no barriers to be accepted by the recipient country. Does this mean that background check will guarantee that PAC will always approve the President’s appointees? No, but the answer to this lies in the realm of politics which is outside the scope of this piece.

---

[1] Ideally when you travel, leave a good name (of your conduct), avoid leaving a bad image (bad mouthing) because the character will one day surely catch up with you (or your ‘bad mouth’ will follow you)

[2] Big kahuna was coined by Ralph Tenthani and Dr Ntaba tried to convince the nation that it was a derogative reference to the President. He was of course wrong. Big kahuna is a term referring to the boss, leader or chief. See http://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/big_kahuna

[3] http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Devil%27s_advocate

Rationale of Regulating the Financial Services, Models of Regulation and Need for Regulatory Independence

Abstract:      

Theory suggests that the primary role of financial institutions and capital markets is to facilitate the allocation of resources in an uncertain environment across space and time.

Therefore regulation of the financial sector has a crucial role to play, especially in the development of third world countries, most of whom have enormous wealth disparities between sections of their populace. A key objective of regulation is to redress information asymmetries that sometimes exist in financial services businesses usually to the disfavour of the consumer.

Although most often the regulator is also the supervisor, the role of the regulator and that of the supervisor are. In most jurisdictions however, the powers to regulate and to supervise the activities of the financial services sector reside in the same institution. The regulatory framework of financial services often comprises primary regulation, secondary legislation and guidance and (policy) directives and directions issued by the regulator.

This paper looks at the rationale for regulation, the different models of regulation in the financial services and what they are aimed to achieve. The paper also looks at the broad objectives of regulation even in the absence of a unified theory of financial service regulation, such as investor protection, ensuring fairness, reducing contagion, protection against malpractices and maintaining consumer confidence.

The paper also analyses the pros and cons of single, twin-peaks and multiple financial regulator and why regulators need to be independent [but accountable] whilst at the same time avoiding industry capture.

Although the paper discussed regulation broadly, it discusses financial services regulation in the context of the Malaŵian financial regulatory framework with a brief overview of the regulatory models in the United Kingdom and Zambia.

Keywords: financial regulation, Malawi, regulatory independence, rationale for regulation, regulatory models, regulatory theory, single peaks, twin peaks, Zambia

working papers series 

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2538437

Solving the Remittance Dilemma

Sunduzwayo Madise 

University of Warwick; University of the Western Cape; University of Malawi
November 27, 2014

American International Journal of Research in Humanities, Arts and Social Sciences, 8(1), September-November, 2014 
Abstract:      

Remitting money in sub-Saharan Africa has always been a problem because of infrastructural problems affecting the region. Malaŵi, being a land-locked least developed country has been greatly affected by this. The country is agro-based with a majority of the population living in villages in the rural areas. Traditional means of remitting money have proved to be either expensive or unreliable. With the advent of the mobile phone, mobile network operators have devised a solution to the age-old problem of remitting finances to rural areas. The paper looks at how the mobile network operators in Malaŵi have addressed the remittance dilemma by taking advantage of the ubiquitous nature of the mobile phone.

Keywords: financial inclusion, Malaŵi, Malawi, mobile money, payment system, remittance

http://iasir.net/AIJRHASSpapers/AIJRHASS14-614.pdf

Payment Systems and Mobile Money in Malawi: Towards Financial Inclusion and Financial Integrity

Sunduzwayo Madise 

University of Warwick; University of the Western Cape; University of Malawi
November 27, 2014

ANULJ 2014 Vol 2(2) 71-96 
Abstract:      Malawi, like other African countries, has witnessed a recent surge in mobile phone usage. The increase in phone usage has been accompanied by an increase in mobile phone based products. Two such products in Malawi are Khusa M’manja (‘money in the hands’ in the local language) and Mpamba (money in the context of ‘start-up capital’ in the local language). These products, and the services they contain, allow the phone user to use his or her mobile phone as a wallet or purse: he or she can load money into the phone, send and receive money, make deposits and withdrawals, purchase goods and services, and pay bills. Khusa M’manja is provided by Airtel, while Mpamba is provided by Telekom Networks Malawi (TNM). Khusa M’manja and Mpamba may be said to be close relatives of M-Pesa, a financial service that was developed in Kenya by Safaricom. The introduction of M-Pesa has led to an increase in money circulation, roping in those who would otherwise have been left out by the formal financial sector. The mobile money platform has been lauded as an effective means of ensuring financial inclusion of the unbanked, which constitute a large proportion of Africa’s Sub-Saharan population. For many, therefore, the introduction of mobile money services into the national payment system is a welcome development. However, balancing between the competing interests of financial inclusion and financial integrity remains a serious challenge.

Keywords: mobile money, payment systems, khusa m'manja, mpamba, M-pesa, regulation, remittance dilemma, financial inclusion, financial integrity, unbanked

http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2531319